Tag Archives: politics

PIERRE POILIEVRE AND THE ART OF ANGER: THE THREAT WITHIN

Hypocrisy can afford to be magnificent in its promises; for never intending to go beyond promises, it costs nothing. – Edmund Burke

The fawning, sneaking, and flattering hypocrite, that will do or be anything, for his own advantage. – Edward Stiffingfleet

A conservative government is an organized hypocrisy. – Benjamin Disraeli

Frank A. Pelaschuk

Notwithstanding his efforts to change his appearance and demeanour from shrill angry shoot-from-the-lips partisan politico to a political mild-mannered Clark Kentish homebody and one of the regular good ol’ boys, the man who seems poised to lead Canada’s next government, Conservative Pierre Poilievre remains the same old same old one-note, mean-spirited, pandering, vitriolic blowhard with nothing to offer but noise and slogans appealing to the fears and worst of Dick & Jane readers. One would like to believe that the next prime minister, should it be him, would be one of substance and character but his behaviour, from his first days as MP to the present, as leader of the Conservative party, makes it difficult to conceive. Watching him on television during Question Period, one gets the sense of him performing for his audience and colleagues while leaving little doubt that what you see is what he is, a man of fire and desire but fuelled by an animus deeply personal directed at one individual: Justin Trudeau. 

I feel I’ve seen the plot before. A rival, perhaps the younger brother or a childhood friend of poorer circumstances, seething with envy, resentful that the older brother or friend is much loved and doted upon seemingly handed everything while he, the smarter, more deserving, the harder working, barely noticed, receiving no love, no fortune, go girl, no future. It’s unfair. So, what to do? Perhaps remove the obstacle, take, by any means, what is justly his. Well, that’s the movie, a bad one at that.

Even so, unfairly treated or not, Poilievre has always drawn attention as smart, ambitious and eager to prove himself with his hustle and energy. As a young politician, he was even more impressive, he was going places though some, women in particular, found him a bit too brash, loud, angry. They didn’t like what they saw: angry, loud, abrasive, shrill, straight for the jugular no prisoners taken. That was no politician but a resentful teenager hamming it up in the House back bench with colleagues Paul Calandra, today Ontario’s minister of municipal affairs and housing, and Dean del Mastro, who was forced to resign and serve a month when convicted of election overspending in 2008. That appeals to a particular segment of society, those too often fed by resentment and envy knowing they deserve better and more but have been dealt a bad hand of bad luck with others stacking the deck favouring the less deserving. They hear him, know he understands their pain, knows Big Government and Big Business are out to screw them making it harder for them while easier on criminals with their soft on crime approach and open door policy welcoming illegals into the country to be fed and housed on their hard-earned dime only to also take their jobs and end up having more than those born here failing to notice that many, many, start off with the most menial of jobs, often two or three and part time. So when Covid struck and government mandates came into play taking away even more forcing them to isolate, wear masks, get the shots, that was the last straw, no one was going to tell them what to do or believe and they certainly didn’t believe Covid shots worked, in fact believed they did more harm, responsible for autism and other illnesses allowing billionaires like Bill Gates to get rich injecting them with serum blended with molecular robots reading and controlling their thoughts. No one was going to stop them from mixing with the public. As for the evidence of millions dying? Fake news by mainstream media. If the “sheep” wanted to wear masks, that was their problem. Trump knows. Poilievre knows, not only because he’s smarter than Trump, but because he came of modest means, born to a sixteen year old mother and adopted by two teachers. He actually likely understands many of the issues and hurt driving so many of the angry. 

It is no stretch for them to gravitate to Trump in the US of A or to Poilievre at home because both men are willing to exploit the grievances, real or imagined, of their constituents, Poilievre because he most likely shared much of their experiences, willing to let them know they are heard and believed, that none of the failings in their lives were their fault, willing to tell them they were not alone and loved. And didn’t Poilievre prove his love by visiting the so-called Freedom Convoy holding Ottawa hostage for three weeks, calling them “peaceful protestors” as he had photos of himself taken with the leaders evidently oblivious to the neo-Nazi and white supremacist symbols some wore and waved as they called for the overthrow of an elected government and harassed residents for wearing masks as they went to work? When he became leader of the party, months later, those wallowers in victimhood knew, simply knew, they had found their man and their voice.  

Two years after the convoy meeting, he spoke before an audience of police members, hinting at imposing Section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Notwithstanding Clause, an odious escape clause allowing political leaders, premiers and, evidently, prime ministers, the ability to discard and replace portions of the Charter they don’t like with legislation that works for their agenda whether just, decent, called for or desired. But for his base, informed by social media platforms, conspiracists and Fox News, this was good news confirming what they already know and embrace: the game is rigged against them and someone hears them. As for mainstream media? Fake news by elites, the favoured word of the right. And didn’t he prove his love again, in April, when he met a group on the Nova Scotia-New Brunswick border protesting the carbon tax with signs offering unequivocal musings on love — “F___K Trudeau” — entering a camper to which was affected the Diagolon flag, a part of an extremist group which Poilievre may not have noticed. He paused long enough to call Trudeau a liar many times. 

Do these folks even listen to themselves? If asked, could they articulate exactly what it is about Canada that Poilievre screams is broken? Can Poilievre? Theirs is a rage that seems incoherent and against — well — everything. So, Poilievre’s message, such as it is, strikes a chord for many: harsher sentences for criminals. Eliminate bail for some accused and make it harder for others. Replace concurrent sentences for those found guilty of multiple injuries or deaths during a crime with consecutive sentences so that life actually does mean life without any possibility of parol. It’s less about justice than simple, understandable, good old fashioned retribution. Imagine what would have been Umar Zameer’s  fate if Poilievre and gang hand their way. Zameer was charged with the murder of Det.- Const. Jeffrey Northrup in 2021. The charge was considered dubious by many, including the judge who granted Zameer bail. Toronto’s Mayor John Tory, premier Doug Ford and sundry others raised their voices in opposition. Just acquitted, there was another chorus of outrage. Innocent or not, the fact that his race may have played a part, Zameer was guilty as far as the public was concerned, the charge against Zameer more than enough reason to put him behind bars. That is what Poilievre is playing to. 

The Notwithstanding Clause is fraught with danger for all citizens and will certainly be the tool most often reached for by those with a tendency for despotism as evidenced by the populist voices growing louder with each day, not just in Canada, but around the world. We have seen this by the actions of some of the premiers with Alberta’s Ralph Klien to prevent same sex marriage, Saskatchewan’s Brad Wall to void a court’s ruling removing funding for non-Catholic students attending Catholic schools, Ontario’s Doug Ford to reduce the size of Toronto’s council and then three years later to override the Ontario Superior Court decision voiding his move to expand pre-election third party spending from six months to one year while maintaining third party ads of $600, 000. It’s an undemocratic tool too easily deployed and often to the advantage of the governing party.  

The day following Poilievre’s audience with the police, April 30, conservative Rachael Thomas was ejected from the chamber during Question Period for suggesting Speaker of the House, Greg Fergus, was acting “in a disgraceful manner” for his handling of the House by which, I suspect, she meant his favouring of the liberals over the conservatives in attempting to tame a particularly raucous, but by now normalized aspect of Question Period. She and her colleagues claim she withdrew the comment when asked to do so but, if so, it had not been picked up by Speaker Fergus because MP microphones are usually shut off when the Speaker speaks. Then, moments later, it was Poilievre’s turn for expulsion for use of unparliamentary language when he called Trudeau “wacko” for which he refused to apologize offering instead to use in place “extremist” and “radical” neither of which Fergus accepted. When Poilievre left the chamber, conservative members followed him to then immediately go on social media to seize the opportunity to highlight their “unfair” treatment by a liberal House Speaker undoubtedly racking up more support and dollars for their cause. Nice stunt for the shameless! 

Not only does Poilievre and gang feed the conspiracy beliefs of their supporters who wallow in such — Big Government even screws politicians fighting for constituents! — they also join the crowd of victims proudly crowing over their antics, prouder still of Poilievre’s expulsion and even more proud of turning their backs on the House to monetize and exploit all in service of turning Question Period into a monkey house Gong Show of silly buggers. They can now claim further victimization by the liberal Speaker Fergus for his failure to control them; hence their calls that he resign was justified. 

Laurence J. Peter once quipped, “There’s no such thing as a cheap politician.” He’s right. But then, when it comes to character, 118 conservatives immediately spring to mind. 

Opening the door to Section 33 for Prime Ministers to invoke the measure would set a precedent and lead to invocation as a default maneuver for politician’s with an anti-democratic leaning. Judging from his words and actions, past and present, Poilievre would be that politician.

Several years after becoming MP, Poilievre was appointed to Harper’s cabinet becoming Minister of Democratic Reform (2013-2015) when he sought to bring changes under Bill C-30 the inaptly named Fair Elections Act and Bill C-50 the Citizens Voting Act  by which he clearly meant to rig the game favouring election outcomes for conservatives. With Bill C-30, the Chief Electoral Officer’s Role was to be greatly limited to encourage voting and informing citizens on the process of voting. Poilievre sought to remove the ability of the CEO to investigate electoral irregularities and fraudulent activity. This came about because of the Conservative Party’s involvement in voter suppression by the use of robocalls during the 2011 campaign in which voters in ridings favouring other parties were misdirected to non-existent polling stations on voting day. Too, several conservatives ridings had also engaged in the so-called “in-out” gambit in which money was transferred between ridings to circumvent campaign spending limits. But that wasn’t enough for the conservatives. Poilievre sought to have winners of of elections to determine who would manage polling stations in their ridings during the next election. This is extremely important because this allowed poll managers the discretion of qualifying and/or disqualifying voters should questions arise. As well, he sought to disallow vouching, i.e., the process of allowing another voter to vouch that someone without I.D. who wanted to vote was who he said he was. This, of course, mostly affected students of voting age away from home and transient citizens of no fixed address who, it may be argued, were perceived as sympathetic to the Liberal and NDP parties.

Bill C-50 was introduced by Poilievre to make it more difficult for expatriates living out of Canada for five years or more to vote by adding to the process of voting requiring additional documentation and paperwork. Evidently, the Harper government believed Canadians (presumably even military members) living outside of Canada were considered unlikely to vote conservative. 

Oh, he was young when he first became MP but no innocent, observing, learning and expanding on Stephen Harper’s playbook of politics. His go to mode was prorogation of Parliament. The first prorogation was to announce the Harper government’s success in achieving five priorities of his agenda (2007), the second, to avoid risk of losing a non-confidence vote (2008), the third to gain time to get a senate majority to avoid investigation of torture of detainees by Canadian soldiers during the war in Afghanistan (2009), and the final effort to avoid the expense scandal in the senate (2013).

Poilievre cannot be underestimated. He’s a quick learner and plays by his rules only and ruthlessly which apparently satisfies his colleagues and supporters. But what is really achieved by an official opposition led by a shrill maestro who leads a chorus of folk who reflexively reject the introduction of every piece of legislation by the governing party, who conducts a chorus of voices to jeer, heckle, sneer, shout, fleer and table pound without coming up with any offerings that are constructive or construed as solutions to fix all the ails that make Canada “broken” as they claim? They have made a mockery of Question period, creating a cacophony of sound and fury signifying absolutely nothing of value. Yet, their fortunes rise. Is this what we need? Pay for? Want? Deserve? To the last: probably yes. Federally we have only elected conservative and liberal parties to govern the country and, with each change over expect a different outcome. That’s a form of insanity as Einstein observed.

I do not support the liberals and suggest voting for conservatives under Poilievre reckless endangerment of the nation. It’s time voters paused to dwell upon what kind of Canada we want and what kind of people to do our business.

In 2023, while under protection of the House during question period, Poilievre asked Trudeau a question shocking because of it’s unmistakable reference to an unsupported roumour. Trudeau was asked by the opposition leader why he had left his teaching position abruptly mid-term. When asked to explain what he meant outside of the chambers by reporters, Poilievre did not answer the question preferring to equivocate and divert before walking away. Too, in February of this year, he declared he would not support the government’s online harm’s bill governing hate speech saying he would not accept “Justin Trudeau’s woke authoritarian agenda” nor take any lessons from one who had spent “half his life as a practicing racist.” This was a reference to revelations during the 2019 campaign of photos of Trudeau appearing in blackface in a 2001 year book. Evidently that had not been the only time. Stupid yes but enough to convince me Trudeau is racist but to convince me what kind of man Poilievre is. Character assassination by innuendo may appeal to the voyeurs and garbage collectors but hardly sign of leadership, decency or even maturity. What it does show is lack of imagination and the the depths to which Poilievre will wallow. Nothing is too low or too vile to not be embraced if it helps his cause.

That is the vision of life with Poilievre at the helm. 

I do not like Trudeau. I don’t support his party. But there is something about Poilievre that is more troubling and deeply disturbing. There is a smug mean-spirited certainty about almost everything he does and says as if he is incapable of tempering his rage or, if so, only for brief periods of time. 

I have little doubt that he relishes the role of the underdog who made it. In many ways, he is an open book and can be trusted to never quite tame the nature he was born with and that fits so naturally. His shedding of glasses and wearing jeans and offering heartfelt images of his family just doesn’t work because it cannot mask the anger, resentment and ambition that fuels him when in the House or before cameras. He is somebody to be reckoned with and one day he may become a better man than he is today. I don’t see signs of that happening in the near future. His appeal may endure, but not for long is my hope. In the world of politics, shrill, one note slogans and an endless supply of anger will eventually exhaust even those who wish to believe in him. Like Trudeau, Danielle Smith, Scott Moe, Doug Ford, and so many others, there’s plenty of noise, plenty of hot air but otherwise not much there there.

***

But such is the irresistible nature of truth, that all it asks and all it wants, is the liberty of appearing. – Thomas Paine.

STEPHEN HARPER, CONSERVATIVES, AND THE QUESTION OF CREDIBILITY

Greater love hath no man than this, that he lay down his friends for his political life. – Jeremy Thorpe

Frank A. Pelaschuk

LOVE ME, BELIEVE ME; I’M A CONSERVATIVE

Is Harper a liar or is he someone just as out of touch with his office as he is with the majority of Canadians? Either way, it’s bad for us.

It’s difficult to believe the man when every word he and his misbegotten crew utter promotes an agenda that is self-serving, self-promoting and self-deluding. They are right, always right, and everyone who disagrees is wrong, always wrong.

Harper’s Conservatives listen to no one and apparently believe themselves answerable to no one. Why should they be, they have the majority, they can do no wrong. Robocalls, campaign overspending, accepting corporate donations, and directing voters to non-existent polling stations, all attempts to subvert the electoral process during the last two campaigns, are mere blips. No one cares. What matters to Canadians are jobs, the economy, low taxes; if Democracy takes a kicking, if voters are used, misused, abused, if senators and MPs dip into the public purse, who cares, these are small costs for sound economic growth. And, if the economy and jobs and lower taxes aren’t enough to lull voters into acceptance, or if they don’t perform as expected, there’s always fear and bigotry; crime, abuses in immigration and unemployment insurance, the threat of powerful unions, and endless possibilities of terrorist attacks from every quarter are sufficient to divert those simple-minded voters who haven’t a clue, who’d rather talk about hockey, Justin Bieber and Breaking Bad than about the governance that affects their daily lives by politicians who lie, steal and defraud; after all, what can they do, they’re only one person. That’s what Conservatives believe of us. Do you accept that? If so, prove them right. Next election, vote for Harper and gang again and, once again, prove you’re stupid.

What is it with Canadians? Why are so many asleep? Why do so many still put their trust in a man and his crew who has lied to them from the very first even before they took office? And why do so many now, prepared to reject Harper, appear so blindly eager to turn to an untested young man who appears to have it all, looks, wealth, a pleasant personality and a famous name and, yet, so far, has failed to offer any substantial alternative vision for this nation? Surely there’s more we should be seeking, wanting and needing than the superficiality of an attractive but empty package. How about experience, ideas? Why are these considered novelties today, quaint and old-fashioned? Is it image only; are the youth of today that shallow? The Liberals appear to believe so.

But there is another view of voters that is even worse for it is a view that is negative, without hope, cynically devoid of compassion and humanity. It is the view that believes Canadians really do not care about substance, depth, perception, honesty, integrity, ethics, decency, shame or about any of the ongoing Conservative scandals. That is the Conservative vision; it is a bleak and contemptible vision with the sole apparent goal of gaining and holding power for the benefit of self and special interests. Will we continue to allow the schemers, liars, and plain old sons of bitches rip-off artists to have the edge? Are we Canadians okay with that? Clearly Harper and his gang believe so.

Being young is no crime. I hold no brief against Trudeau and I don’t fault him his good fortune. Would that we were all so fortunate. I just believe he is too young, too inexperienced, too, innocent (?) to be what we need at this time. Surely it is time for Canadians to look elsewhere, to take a risk, to try something new. It wouldn’t be that much of a risk, the only challenge called for being that Canadians rid themselves of the hidebound fears and prejudices born of ignorance. Canadians should look at Thomas Mulcair and the NDP and seriously give them a closer look. As a politician, he certainly has the experience and the smarts. And he does have substance; we’ve seen it on display in the House this past year. And the NDP is really not the Party of the CCF. It is certainly not the party I have supported all my life, but it is better than what we have. In fact, for those who really want a change and yet no earthshattering shift, preferring the middle ground, the NDP should be their choice for it is closer to the centre than either the Liberals or Conservatives if centrism is what you seek.

Tories and Whigs have had their way for far too long. Haven’t we had enough? Surely yes. We do not need more of the arrogance, deceit, dishonesty, secrecy, and abuse of power practiced by Harper and his crew of malignant toads. We need leaders, champions of citizens rather than of business, cronies, and entitlement. Mulcair and the NDP could be those agents of change if offered a chance. But the force of timidity is not enough.

In truth, regardless of what happens today or tomorrow, regardless of what we see, hear or know, Harper and his gang will always have their singular version of themselves and their history; the rest of us will simply have to be content with the facts.

The last two elections and the recent senate scandal, particularly the Duffy matter, offer prime examples of Harper Conservatism at play and at its worst. There is no best.

When Harper appointee to the senate, Mike Duffy, after much protestations of having done nothing wrong, finally agreed to repay $90 thousand back for false housing and expense claims and the Senate internal Economy Committee received the Deloitte audit report on him, Marjory LeBreton, Government Leader of the Senate, ecstatically claimed, that the matter was closed. As far as the world was led to believe, Duffy had repaid the debt with his own money. Conservatives, including Harper, loudly praised him for doing the “honourable thing.” Evidently they were untroubled that he had acted dishonourably in the first place. There is no hope for such as these.

Almost immediately after the report was released, it turned out that the Deloitte document released for public consumption had been doctored, the harshest criticisms in the original Deloitte report cleaned up and removed. Those who did the whitewashing were Conservative senators David Tkachuk and Carolyn Stewart Olsen members of the Senate’s internal Economy Committee. But that wasn’t all. Another bombshell: good ol’ Mike Duffy hadn’t paid off the debt after all. Nigel Wright, at that time Harper’s chief of staff, wrote the cheque for $90 thousand.

Now, in the House, Harper had denied any knowledge of the Duffy/Wright affair. He did not know of the cheque, there had been no negotiation with the PMO, and no one else in the PMO knew of the deal. So he claimed. As well, the Conservative Party had not been involved. Nevertheless, Harper and his crude brood in the House initially and loudly and proudly praised Nigel Wright for “doing the honourable thing” going so far as to claim that he had done this to spare the taxpayers the burden of the cost of Duffy’s false expense claims! It was a ridiculous assertion completely unbelievable and without merit. As they did with Duffy, Conservatives across the land were now singing the praises of Nigel Wright. They abandoned Duffy. And, when it was his turn, they abandoned Wright. But of course, no one in the PMO knew of the deal. Harper said so and we were to believe him. In fact, according to him, there had been no deal. Wright was doing this on his own, a generous friend helping a friend in need. But, again, we now know that wasn’t true.

The recent release of the court documents by the RCMP tells a different version of what we have been told by Duffy, Wright, Harper and his churlish band of knaves.

We now know that the Conservative Party not only knew of Duffy’s difficulties, it was quite willing to pay the tab in the belief that it was only $32 thousand (though David Tkachuk had notified Duffy in February, a month before the investigation began due to public outrage, that he owed over $90 thousand; is it possible, or even credible, neither Duffy nor Wright notified the Conservative Party before this came out?). When the sum rose to $90 thousand, the party balked; it would not pay Duffy’s debt.

The person who could sign off on the debt for Duffy was Senator Irving Gerstein, chair of the Conservative Fund of Canada. When the party refused to pay that amount, the obliging Nigel Wright stepped in. He brokered a deal with Duffy in which Duffy was to immediately repay the $90 thousand and not to talk to the media. As well, the Deloitte report would be absent of harsh criticism. Clearly, this deal, as well as that in which the Conservative Party initially considered paying off Duffy’s debt, was meant to be secret. Did Harper know? He said not. In fact, he claimed their had been no negotions. In any event, Canadians should be seriously troubled by these machinations and the secrecy surrounding them. There is no doubt that there was a concerted effort to deceive the public. For this gang, however, that is neither new nor news though it is puzzling why the Conservative Party would be so reticent in disclosing its willingness to help one of its own. But then, it may not be all that puzzling. With Conservatives, one thing is true: once you’re out, you’re out. And Duffy is out.

Now Harper had claimed that no one else in the PMO had known about the Duffy/Wright deal. He was either mistaken or misleading when he made that assertion. Clearly Senator Gerstein became aware of the deal once Wright interjected himself into the affair. But who else knew? According to the RCMP report, three others, and all in the PMO: Benjamin Perrin, the PMO legal advisor, David van Hemmen, executive assistant to Wright, and Chris Woodcock, the PMO director of issues (i.e., troubleshooter of crises). So, once again, we have Harper contradicted. But did he, himself, know of the deal? Well, I know what I think and I know what Harper wants us to believe. He apparently wishes to rely on that political standby of plausible deniability. He did not know. It is likely, in the eventuality that something like this should crop up, he had made it clear that he did not want to know, did not want to be told, and would not be told. Whether or not one believes Harper and those Conservatives, you’ve got to hand it to those endearing cretins, don’t you? They’ve got nerve if nothing of the scruples I would wish in a person.

Plausible deniability. When they resort to this, politicians resemble adult children who push from their mind the fact that they were conceived by their parents having hot, sweaty sex, who refuse to imagine their parents even having sex, who wish to ignore the possibility of their parents still being frisky, and who most certainly don’t want to know that their parents might actually still enjoy it.

The thing is, Harper and gang are not those adult children. They know exactly what they are doing. So do most of us. And we don’t like it.

THE FIVE DOLLS AND PROMOTION

With news of several high profile resignations in the government, including that of LeBreton, who plans to relinquish her position as Government Leader of the Senate and who will no doubt be missed by many of the Liberal media lickspittles, there is speculation regarding a cabinet shuffle and who the winners and losers will be.

Among the contenders expected to move up are Michelle Rempel, Chris Alexander, Candice Bergan, Kellie Leitch and the particularly odious Pierre Poilievre who seems peculiarly adept at tossing slime. To those who follow politics, these five are familiar as point persons for Harper’s gang making frequent appearances in all media. They are most notable for being rude, overbearing, dismissive and arrogantly certain of every utterance as they talk over, shout down and point fingers at their opposites in the Liberal and NDP parties who appear with them. Unfortunately, from my many viewings of them on Power and Politics, I am left with the impression that they are more like talking dolls or, at most, barely sentient beings who, in their regular appearances, spout the message of the day apparently downloaded into the microchip that must surely be secreted somewhere into their moulded bodies. I say this because, whenever they make an appearance on Power and Politics, they never deviate from the message, often repeating it word for word each time a question is posed regardless of how it is framed or how often it is asked. I can almost imagine someone waking them in the morning by pulling the string in the middle of their backs. I can see them abruptly sitting up, swaying slight, and saying, “Hello, my name is Michelle (Chris, Kellie, Candice,Pierre) and I am ready for my daily assignment. Hello, my name is…”

Not quite alive, they still manage somehow to work up enough life to occasionally express faux high indignation, to be evasive, to point fingers at others, and to utter many words without saying anything.

When the public was supposed to believe Duffy had paid off his debt with his own money, they glowingly praised Duffy for “doing the honourable thing” and then did the same with Wright when they learned the truth. They can switch that easily from one gear to another without any sign of embarrassment or shame. Just like a talking doll. Watching them, I can almost believe that brains and mouths are interchangeable and regardless of which brain or which mouth, it would all be one.

They, Poilievre more so, are dislikeable bobble heads now and offer every indication of being the same as members of the cabinet. They will take questions and regurgitate the response of the day. When the question is asked another way, they will repeat the message and continue to do so regardless of how the question is framed or how many times. And we’ll continue to go round and round, never getting answers to anything by anyone on anything. The only difference between their appearances in the House from that of Power and Politics is they’ll be standing on their feet.

I’ll be looking for the strings. (edited, July 8, 2013)